Tun Razak: Khidmat satu kewajipan - Ahmad Pazil Md Isa

Ahmad Pazil Md Isa

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Tun Razak: Khidmat satu kewajipan

TUN Razak bukan sahaja terkenal seorang kuat dan tekun bekerja (workaholic), beliau memandang khidmat untuk bangsa, negara dan agama sebagai tugas, kewajipan dan hak istimewa terutama oleh mereka yang dilihat lahir untuk menjadi pemimpin, itulah pendapat kaum aristokrat.

Bijak menggunakan bakat orang muda, menggalakkan mereka mempunyai idea dan berfikir bebas; melatih mereka untuk mengambil kepimpinan darinya, melantik orang yang hanya layak memegang jawatan terpenting dalam pentadbirannya.

Kesimpulannya Tun Razak meninggalkan satu legasi besar - pendidikan (UKM, UiTM), Dasar Ekonomi Baru, memberi kehidupan baru kepada mereka yang tiada harta tanah (Felda), benar-benar menjadikan negara bebas dan berdaulat (hubungan diplomatik sama rata dengan China, AS, UK, Eropah Barat dan Russia). Terpenting memartabat dan menobatkan Bangsa Teras di tanah air tumpah darah dan ibu pertiwi yang sanya sahaja. Tun Razak negarawan dan ikon telus, tulus, disayangi kerana integritinya tidak dipertikai dan imejnya tidak tercemar.

Bacalah petikan article dari MalaysiaKini - renung dan hayatilah.

"Nearly 40 years ago, our second prime minister and one of the founding fathers of modern Malaysia, was buried, on Jan 16, 1976. It was the nation’s second state funeral; Tun Razak’s deputy, Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, who had died just three years earlier, was the first to be given such an honour.

"Both leaders’ tombs are at the Makam Pahlawan (Heroes’ Mausoleum) on the grounds of Masjid Negara in Kuala Lumpur. Tun Razak had great respect for Tun Dr Ismail. When he realised that it would be a Herculean task to restore public confidence and security after 1969, he grabbed enthusiastically at Tun Dr Ismail’s offer to rejoin the government. Together, they courted the fearful and angry people; first, to stabilise Kuala Lumpur, and then to prevent the troubles from spreading beyond the federal capital.

"In the early years of independence, intellectual life wasn’t prized - integrity and prudence were. Tun Razak was not an intellectual per se but he lived in pursuit of the mind and pragmatism. He upheld and promoted human values and freedoms as guaranteed by the Federal Constitution that he had a role in framing.

"Under the Malaysian system, he often said to me, the people were entirely free to reject or accept the views of others and their stereotyping, and no government should deny the rakyat that freedom.

"I learnt much from Tun Razak because he was, as it were, gifting me and the other “Young Turks” who were my colleagues with the mental empowerment to shape policies and events. He encouraged us to broaden our minds so we could build a better society for all Malaysians.

"Tun Razak understood that poverty does not have a race or a religion, and that no ethnic group should have the monopoly of any profession, trade or service. He left behind a sizeable legacy that remains to be seriously assessed and written about.

"Though hardly remembered these days, the man remains an interesting study. Indeed, of late, he has even become topical again. Modesty was his habit, economy his custom Tun Razak was a shy man who never enjoyed public speaking, but he was a very able and skilful prime minister and an outstanding Umno president and BN chairperson.

"When I was at Malay College Kuala Kangsar, I had heard of an all-round student who was equally at home in the classroom as on the sports field. Tun Razak was head boy 10 years before I arrived at the college in 1948. In the time I knew him, modesty was his habit, and economy his custom. Ever polite, he treated people with respect and consideration. He was known as a workaholic - he loved politics, his family, his country and the idea of ‘khidmat’, or being in the service of people. He loved his home town of Pekan, which was his constituency, and he loved golf.

"Tun Razak led a regulated life and loved “living and loving” like all of us. It does seem to me that at the centre of his early life was his mother and, in later life, his wife Rahah Noah, now 82. (She was made a Tun in 1976). These two women were, like him, modesty personified.

"Simplicity was their habit and they were thrifty by disposition. Tun Rahah is more diffident and reserved than her husband. She shuns publicity. Then, and now, she goes about life with little fanfare.

"When compelled, she makes a brief appearance, after which she happily slips away with great relief. Tun Razak had longed for a daughter they never had.

"Of their five sons, Prime Minister Najib is the eldest and banker Nazir, the youngest. Tun Razak’s abhorrence of corruption and abuse of power is well noted. He was popular because he was sincere and easily accessible, having the uncanny ability to make even the most irrelevant person feel wanted and important.

"In my 14 years of working closely with him, he lost his cool with me only once, at the JFK Airport in New York. I had kept him waiting a good 30 minutes and he and the entourage could not board the plane because their passports were with me.

Deservedly, he sacked me on the spot only to reinstate me halfway across the Atlantic to London! He may have been soft-spoken, but he was also a dry wit.

"In the 40 years since Tun Razak’s death, we might have reached the Promised Land, but we have not. We could have relearned old lessons and not strayed from the path, as many insist we have. I have, in my small way, tried to prevent even worse lapses. "Let us reiterate - loud and clear - that all citizens are alike before the law and their fundamental liberties are guaranteed. However, no community must conduct its affairs to deliberately insult the others - this is the bedrock of mutual respect upon which the country has been built.

"More importantly, no citizen should question the ‘taat setia’ (loyalty) of another simply because he belongs to a particular race or religion.

"Tun Razak was the best prime minister we could have wished for. He was an enlightened and a far-sighted leader, a patrician who believed in meritocracy. He assembled around himself talented Malaysians and appointed the best candidates.

"During his short but momentous years on Jalan Dato Onn (the country’s seat of power before Putrajaya), Tun Razak made the boldly historic and, if I may say, creative decision to go to Beijing to commence diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China, signalling the end of the long communist rebellion in Malaysia.

"He managed bilateral relations with our closest neighbour in the same way. Despite the perception that he and Lee Kuan Yew did not get along too well, I must stress they had a very “pragmatic relationship”, even if each was suspicious of the other.

"Tun Razak introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP), which laid the foundations for social engineering to help narrow the economic gap between and within each ethnic community, believing that economic prosperity would trump racism and extremism and enhance national solidarity.

"He was no megalomaniac who would allow fervid nationalism to make Malaysia a failed state. I can vouch his honesty in this. If I may add, Tun Razak was definitely committed to racial harmony, economic prosperity and social justice and did his utmost as deputy prime minister and prime minister to enhance all that.

"He was a great prime minister of great integrity; decent, dignified and good. Above all, he was universally acclaimed as a straight and honest man. Of that, there is no doubt. He was the towering figure of the third quarter of 20th century Malaysian politics.

"No other Malaysian prime minister sought, and succeeded in some measure, to change Malaysians - especially the Malays and their place in the country - as radically as he did through the NEP, social engineering and constitutional rule. What Tun Razak did stands as a powerful statement of his legacy."

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